The school is considered the collective imagination as a stable organization founded to pursue a task and purpose of 'social relevance' to educate, train, teach the generations that preceded the 'maturity' to essential elements, data 'indispensable' [to draw conclusions], on which is founded and holds a particular and 'polite' form of social organization, improve the whole body of literary knowledge, scientific, artistic, political as well get used to the beliefs, traditions , core labor standards, their discipline of a people in a given historical period, and again, start to possession of a given section of knowledge which is the subject of study and teaching or the exercise of specific, well defined and certain 'profession', which is often distinct from the set of manual skills.
The complex of ideas, of ideals, theories and aims, but also the conception of the world and life, belief and doctrine, which constitute the raison d'être and the program, and at the same time, a 'mask' and a cover of that political group, also known as' middle class' - and variously described as' alta'-, that is characterized by its own ideological and cultural line up to go to form associations and parties in pursuing 'public' true purpose of the hegemonic class, 'reassuring', with a magical rhetorical skills, the community as a whole that the school is the sphere where every individual is part of civil society has the so-called 'equal opportunity' for social advancement through the study.
Teaching students, who regularly travel to places prone to disciplinary training, and enforcement of these young minds to learning, knowledge only of the arguments deserve to be analyzed with caution gloss on the one hand, includes the time of life that stands - and that must be tackled - including an infant stage, lacking in rigorous systematic logic, and another called 'mature 'individual, which would achieve the full development of rational faculties and, secondly, is emerging as the best method can result in a climb the ranks, a rise from the position, and its status, occupied by an individual in society. In this ideological context, the university, which legally is the scientific-educational and cultural institution which is the highest school level of education and research, in fact, closely linked to its function to the machine manufacturer and sorting of personnel assigned to cover occupying a highly professional and to renew and adapt the structure of the organization of labor according to the particular needs claimed by civil society. Moreover, the possibility of spending their studies on the labor market anticipates the young student at the prospect of employment largely profitable, which is characterized by the fact that they often do not hand a little tiring, held in the office or study and that the future professional will be able to manage independently. The exercise usually a independent profession is also indicative of some importance to its work: in fact, there is no doubt that the legal profession or the exercise of medicine, simply a numerical imbalance, inevitably stand out compared to many manual skills and do not represent the majority of the occupations of the community.
The possibility to progress to degree for those who stagnate in places civilian subordinates of the hierarchy [as if there were then as an impulsive need to achieve a greater level of dignity] would seem, now more than ever before, guaranteed: the bombast of the speeches that are to be conferred awards and honors materials only in relation to individual merit is only the visible part of this insurance.
However, as frequently happens, the equalization and uniformity in the criteria useful to dispense with the honors even economic benefits that can substantially affect quality of life of people is only apparent and in law, but in fact, is a form useful to keep alive the deceptive hoax, or a sad farce, a tragicomedy that allows you to store and disguise the arbitrary nature of a meritocracy, which in reality does nothing but continue to depend on the decisions on the quality of skills a young student from the will of the ruling classes.
Until the doors of higher education were in fact open only to the highest layers of society, the deceptive illusion of equal opportunity and legal rhetoric is welded to an appearance that showed no particular distortion because the device selection, by not having to discriminate between upper classes and lower classes, seemed to use criteria for assessing skills and competencies that were stable, sufficiently tested and that, as such, supported the appearance of being universally valid.
The student movement that has characterized the sixties and seventies and the parties to which the movement was 'correct' reference fought not to expose the tricks used by the hegemonic class to discriminate, marginalize, penalize the lower classes but to make owner the right to study or, in other words, what every citizen can justly claim to the community, or the privilege of being judged by the objective mechanism which decided progress in rank of the individual. This claim was supported and higher education were granted by the majority of the youth population. The right to education was actually experiencing.
The growth of material prosperity led to the formation of small and large middle class (Pasolini equates to growth of well-being too radical 'anthropological mutation' which means, at the phenomenal level, the inability to distinguish in fact among the physique of a worker and that of a bank official or a professional) and able to use effectively in practice of law and granted the opportunity to access higher education. Hence the simple consideration that if almost all of the new generation is able to achieve higher education, and because many families are finally liberated from a state of deprivation and need, is, perhaps, a greater propensity or willingness to study young people themselves, they cease, and it is certainly good to have a nature elitist, aristocratic, for privileged classes. Nevertheless, it is true that the claims and struggles of the students had canceled the class discrimination in access to university, it is not true that it had been totally eradicated. Intact at all, as is proper in a democracy, shall be able to take advantage of higher education, but few can enjoy major occupations, always the prerogative of the aristocracy. If the ruling class can not implement the device on the marginalization that now stands as the 'middle class' in access to university, this device is likely to be preserved and implemented, either through additional gear, supplements, when the secondary new graduates will enter the world of work or, using a very popular, barbaric and crude administrative action, restricting and containing within certain limits the right to study. In addition, implement measures aimed at making the most expensive high school reveal the nature of hypocrisy and concealment of King's speeches on equal opportunity and merit. Sincerity and loyalty with their voters would cause the loss of consensus and, inevitably, outrage and anger of the majority, therefore, can only flow into a disagreement variously characterized as violent, up to rebellion. The emphasis on merit reassurance about the possibility of a hike or simply a social stability through the study. The illusions about the future of middle-class family are so unscathed, undamaged.
However, it is the same reality that reveals, uncovers, highlights the duplicity of the recitation, the fraud and deception behind the rhetorical invention of equity judgments based on merit: alarmingly, the majority of graduates can no longer commute to their employment security with a stable job. Becoming more and more numerous, the exchange value of the certificate awarded to students who have completed the full cycle of university studies decreases dramatically collapses. A degree is no longer able to bring out those who possess it. The class discrimination is moved, by making use of the institutions 'private' and the discrediting of those 'public', at the end of their studies, which do not allow now no prospect of improvement of living conditions. Magically, you are guaranteed the right to study in proportion to the chances of the ruling class to maintain their hegemonic authority and direction. This situation, combined with character displacement of the capitalist economy, pushes people to accept such employment contracts, flexible to widespread insecurity, inability to foresee the future and act to guide their future, they have to hire same nature malleable able to adapt to every situation and context in which it was forced for the simple existence, and not with a view of some well-being, to operate.
In the age of cognitive capitalism and insecurity knowledge of disperses, dissolves gradually in the hope of the middle class, became small-towns, to elevate their status social conditions through the public school education. Simultaneously, the increasing polarization and inequality in the distribution of wealth among the population groups would enable the ruling caste freedom to be daring undertaking a policy of restrictions on right to education.
In this perspective, you can expect that the activity of research and knowledge, a source of scientific and technological progress, is considered by large segments of the population almost as a monetary damage, a disadvantage, a disadvantage compared to those they consider most appropriate to begin work without venturing to enter the university from financial and public expenditure which, having no factual findings, we can not afford.
This anticipatory prediction or premonition, an actual flash forward should in some way, bringing a new awareness of the nature and meaning of the study. From this it can also result in a different social structure, its roles, work organization and its hierarchy of merit or as a model of meritocracy is right to try. If the fatalistic premonition drawn sees this as an inevitable future, and suggests a passive acceptance and resignation of the future, it is possible and, therefore, a duty for those who feel and suffer the inconvenience of a foolish policy as polished at least try to stop, to stop and prevent the passage of this awkward destiny.
Perhaps it is utopian or at least very unwise to consider that the student movement, alone, can implement the process of breaking with the existing order. What this 'organization split and great' can do is to exercise critical their thoughts and expose the deceptions, ruses, and covers the fictions that the scatters of the powerful caste in the public arena in order to conceal the abuses and the despotic aristocratic character of a policy that affects so burdensome on the very life of individuals.
Perhaps a first step would be to promote the 're-conceptualization of what the studies are in the collective' that can only move from the need to release the research activities of any profit a power of money, politics, religion can get. At the same time, it is still urgent reassess the ideal of promoting social progress or dominating people in our Western societies renders it overly competitive, reluctant friendship and mutual assistance and increasingly insecure and fearful towards otherness, that is characterized or by fear or uncertainty of the future of the immigrant's own young precarious.
It 's more urgent than ever to promote a culture interesting, critical and undisciplined (although a certain discipline is still required) that is able to analyze this a desolate, ruined, and wrong to see in it the hidden root and rhizomatic that moves horizontally across the human history. It sometimes emerges under the sign of an instance libertarian, an impulsive need to claim that weak messianic force dell'incondizionalità of thought, which alone can put question the principle of sovereignty, supremacy, domination as the only possible form of hierarchical direction and organization of collective life.
Matthew Giangrande
